green point cusco carta

23 Betanzos and Molina, drawing on information from Cuzco, have January as Hatun Pocoiquis and Atunpucuy, respectively, which translates as “year of much water 21 This information was derived from a missal similar to the one here reproduced: Missale Romanum (1560). The Tira de Tepexpan reflects this argument (Fig. In brief, Nahua reactions or adaptations to the Spanish presence have the character of a broad, semiautonomous, and in large part subconscious process in which the Nahua component is as important as the Hispanic component— we are not dealing with simple imposition, and absolutely not with imposition by fiat. 17, fol. Here one can see rather than read the will to persist with the Andean understanding of what constitutes tradition, that is, yachacuscamccani, the knowing of how to carry on the social, religious, and political life before the conquest, and which can be embodied in an object and/or an image.18 But this Andean tradition of knowledge is mediated and therefore transformed by the Spanish colonial concept of costumbre, custom, in which tradition can be divided morally into two categories: malas costumbres and buenas costumbres.19 That is, tradition in the Andean sense of “knowledge” and tradition in the Spanish sense of costumbre can exist simultaneously in an Andean colonial object/representation such that any object/representation can be categorized differently depending upon context and audience. Let us examine, then, the logic of the Nahua stages to see if there is anything about them that would distinguish the process in principle from a seamless continuum. 1600. And even more dangerously, nativists would try to avoid Christianity’s most execrable pollutions—church, mass, and catechism classes (AAL: leg. University of Texas Press, Austin. According to Avila, in Pre-Hispanic times the god Pachacamac was believed to create and control earth tremors and earthquakes, as an expression of his anger. F1219.76.S63N37 1997 972'.018—dc20 96-11704 CIP Contents Introduction 1 ELIZABETH HILL BOONE COLONIZATION AND CULTURE CHANGE The Many Faces of Medieval Colonization 13 ANGELIKI E. LAIOU Three Experiences of Culture Contact: Nahua, Maya, and Quechua 31 JAMES LOCKHART CONFRONTATION OF VALUES Litigation over the Rights of “Natural Lords” in Early Colonial Courts in the Andes 55 JOHN V. MURRA Family Values in Seventeenth-Century Peru 63 IRENE SILVERBLATT PRESENTATIONS OF SELF-IMAGE IN OBJECTS, IMAGES, AND ALPHABETIC TEXTS Let Me See! STAVIG, WARD 1995 Living in Offense of Our Lord: Indigenous Sexual Values and Marital Life in the Colonial Crucible. Unlike the “Motolinía Insert,” no formula for their division is given. Sin palabras! Even as they despaired over the ultimate failure of their entire enterprise, they were able to ascribe this failure to deficiencies in native character. The Prisma Institute, Minneapolis, Minn. ARRIAGA, PABLO JOSEPH DE 1920 La extirpación de la idolotría en el Perú [1621]. en su tiempo. 209 The Social vs. Legal Context of Nahuatl Títulos ing, pasture, wood gathering, and resource extraction for pottery-making, carpentry, and the like. In Explorations in Ethnohistory: Indians of Central Mexico in the Sixteenth Century (H. R. Harvey and Hanns J. Prem, eds. By keeping the description in the present tense, he implies that the same practices are continuing at the time of his writing (early 1600s). Photograph courtesy of Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago, acc. The stress of Appadurai’s discussion is on the material aspect of the thing in relation to its production and its subsequent transformation in value according to exchange context; I am expanding this slightly to images that may or may not be physically exchanged, but which are circulated, in part, by the act of copying. Between what the Nahuas were and what they could be or could have been lay an impassable rhetorical gulf. After Toledo’s arrival, he and Matienzo formed an intimate alliance broken only by the judge’s death in 1579. Once tarnished, kurakas jeopardized their standing, along with their kin’s, in the colony’s political establishment. In the mid-sixteenth century, the first population concentration policies were implemented and affected a number of central-area towns. University of Texas Press, Austin. But if the birds are condors, the figures in which they quarter a horse or pull the horses that in turn quarter Thupa Amaru would represent a kind of vengeance for the quartering of Thupa Amaru, both encompassing and subsuming the primal act of his execution. 1973 El lazarillo de ciegos caminantes [1773] (Emilio Carilla, ed.). University of Texas Press, Austin. I think presentation of such documents in court was more or less incidental; they were a response to external pressure on communities to produce something they did not have. ZORITA, ALONSO DE 1941 Breve y sumaria relación de los señores y maneras y diferencias que había en ellos en la Nueva España . It prompted a large assortment of individuals, private companies, and non-profit institutions to develop projects celebrating, commemorating, or condemning the 500th anniversary of Columbus’ landing in the Americas, and it surely generated as much folly as it did thoughtful analysis and discussion. Fernando de Alva Ixtlilxochitl, who claimed descent from Nezahualcoyotl, was the most prolific chronicler of Texcocan history. Whereas with Yucatan I imagine I can see enough to satisfy myself that the region long remained in a perhaps ill-defined but recognizable Stage 2, generally as well as in language, only certain aspects of the Andean picture over the postconquest centuries are reminiscent of Stage 2; other aspects point to an even earlier phase, while some elements of the sequence seen in Mesoamerica are missing because of pronounced differences in Mesoamerican and Andean culture. The production of new pieces, destined some day to be old, perhaps served as posts between the past and the future, but the images themselves already placed the new objects in a relation to the past at the point of their production.59 59 The Andean concept of the object and its copy as being somehow a witness to the past perhaps anthropomorphizes the object, a theme that occurs in Andean mythology and pictorial representation (see Quilter 1990: 42–65). The manuscript reads (fol. Unpublished MS. 293 The Inka and Christian Calendars in Early Colonial Peru Time, Space, and Ritual Action: The Inka and Christian Calendars in Early Colonial Peru SABINE MACCORMACK UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN S INTRODUCTION IXTEENTH-CENTURY EUROPEAN OBSERVERS OF PERU were in the habit of discussing how soon and how seriously Andean people might convert to Christianity. The European expansionary movement, to the degree that it was impelled by religion and by ideas of Holy War, had a deep strain of intolerance, and a concept of Virtue versus Vice. As Wood and Lockhart both contend, these documents had an internal function in their communities: preserving and sometimes inventing legendary history in support of corporate identity, local political factions, and claims to status. Mama is named by Dávila Briceño (1965), corregidor in Huarochirí in 1586, as another wife of Pachacamac; she was an ancient divinity whose temple was located at the confluence of the Rimac and Santa Eulalia rivers.The third wife was Pachamama, the Earth Mother, according to a late account collected by Villar Córdoba (1933) in the region of Canta. 1) and compare the elements of Guaman Poma’s coat of arms to a sixteenth- or seven47 For similar phrases from different areas of the viceroyalty of Peru, see, for example, “Testamento de Ysabel Chumbicarba natural Santaorlla” of February 8, 1628, made in Santiago del Cercado: “Yten declaro que tengo diez mates de comer [y] tres llimpi [queros] del Cuzco,” or the “Testamento de Ines Guamguan india viuda natural que soi del Pueblo de San Bartolome de Guacho, 27, de Marzo 1614.” Among other Andean items, she lists “una lliclla color negro y otra manta pintada de negro y blanco de algodón nueva y un par de cocos de plata de beber de antiguos ya viejos y mas una escultura de crucifixo de madera.” Both documents are in Archivo General de la Nación Lima, Testamentos de Indios. For Santa Marta: AGN T 3032, 3: 203v (“tigentilestlaca”). Phoenix House, London. . Rather, they recognize that historical processes begun in the conquest of the Americas continue as native peoples use varying mechanisms to maintain historical memory. For them, as for few other western Europeans in the Middle Ages, diversity was not something to be subjugated to unicity, but something to profit from, as one does in the marketplace, making the best advantage of different prices, long- and shortterm loans, and rates of currency exchange. 427 Frances Karttunen Huejotzingo is rich in parallelisms and metaphors. George Braziller, New York. 1, bk. ZORITA, ALONSO DE 1963 Life and Labor in Ancient Mexico.The Brief and Summary Relation of the Lords of New Spain (Benjamin Keen, trans. Photograph by Scott Nierling. FLORESCANO, ENRIQUE 1990a Mito e historia en la memoria Nahua. D. Miranda, Lima. Buenos Aires. . 71–72; Murúa 1962, bk. 1613]. 1), were divinatory almanacs that gave the prognostications governing different units of time (days, trecenas, and the like). But in both, traditional patterns of bilateral reversal and traditional imagery are mobilized in what are essentially political statements made outside the sphere of discursively articulated ideologies. The papers were publicly burned. Origenes et croyances des Indiens du Mexique (Jacques Lafaye, ed.). The Spaniards will come, they will become your friends, compadres [co-parents], and in-laws, they will bring money, and with that, they will go taking away little by little all the lands that are found here” (AGN T 3032, 3: 215r–v). .” (Polo de Ondegardo 1916 [1571]). For example, the gold and silver images of llamas that accompanied the procession of the Inka ruler during the celebration of the winter solstice stood for the llamas that had emerged with the first Inkas from the cave of Pacaritambo (Molina 1943: 28). B9165 (after Rowe 1961). . So Llacsa Misa let the boy live and made him herd his llamas. See also language public, 70 Spanish sense of, 69 silver, in Cuzco colonial plate, 140 silversmiths, 129 silversmiths, in Cuzco, 129 slaves, 63, 181, 348–350. In Historia del Santo Cristo de los Milagros (Rubén Vargas Ugarte). At right, the Church springs forth from the side of the crucified Christ, while faithful Christians pray below. 12 Maya vase with a rabbit scribe painting a codex. Under each of the customary referents, I list conceptually related epithets, tied to the terms in the top line not by a shared referent so much as by euphemism and 399 Bruce Mannheim Fig. RESTALL, MATTHEW B. (Durán 1967, 1: 55)9 And later, Durán cautions that the custom of offering maize, chile peppers, and flowers on the feast of the Virgin (September 15), as well as in other festivals during the month of September, might have remained from the rites of the female deities Chicomecoatl, Atlan Tonan, and Toci. Princeton University Press, Princeton, N.J. MEXIHKATL ITONALAMA: EL PERIÓDICO DEL MEXICANO 1950 1–34, May 12–December 29. On the one hand, the institutional church must pass a blind eye over the continuation of older practices such as payments to the earth and offerings to the mountain deities (cf. 189 Elizabeth Hill Boone nesses testified that Temascalapa had always been independent until recently. They were en route from the chapel of San José de los Naturales, adjacent to the Franciscans’ main church and friary, to celebrate Mass at Santa María la Redonda, the church of one of the native districts, which was dedicated to the Assumption. 19 Petu’Kruz, one of the women playwrights of the House of the Writer, taking part in a performance. For the court, painters updated the cadastral maps of his palace, fields, and orchards to create a current record of his lands, the rights by which he possessed them, who worked them, and the rents and taxes he received (H. F. Cline 1966, 1968; Harvey 1991). 61 John V. Murra BIBLIOGRAPHY ESPINOZA SORIANO, WALDEMAR 1969 El memorial de Charcas: crónica inédita de 1582. In Obras: 1–247. As colonial objects, their cultural expressions had to be constructed as both different and inferior. The cultural encyclopedia and the Testerian were both artificial genres of manuscript painting, created to suit Spanish needs or to meet European ideas of indigenous needs. In his accounting of the origin of the “Triple Alliance,” Pomar gave credit for the defeat of the Tepaneca of Azcapotzalco to Nezahualcoyotl of Texcoco (father of Nezahualpilli), together with his uncles, Itzcoatl and Moctezuma (I) of Tenochtitlan.These two cities thereby took possession of all the land, but in the process they created three cabeceras:Tenochtitlan,Texcoco, and also Tlacopan. The movement of the moon underlay the timing of several Inka festivals, in particular Citua, which began on the first day of the new moon and was subdivided by the different days of the moon’s phases. The second idol, a stone with an “extremely ugly body” and a headful of curled snakes, was named Copacati. For a discussion of this issue, see Cummins (n.d.a). 3 vols. . See Maya Christ. When depicting the ritual for the winter solstice, he thus showed a devil conveying to the sun in the sky the chicha that the Inka ruler is offering to it on earth (see Fig. Clock that the Indians ought to have. The rhetoric that came to dominate the Quincentennial in popular as well as intellectual circles was not of Discovery but of a two-sided Encounter, and, given the ultimate destructiveness of the encounter for American cultures, its tone was commemorative rather than celebratory. 19 See Herrera y Garmendia 1938: 55–56, 58. The marketplace, therefore, was intended to patrol content as well as price. Who shines, who kindles, beautiful moon Raiser of the true day Hope of all You, a flash of lightning for the ugly one Full moon (pampa killa), who doesn’t diminish City of God To you, Queen, who is equal Of all the saints Of all the angels The head of the devil is beaten With earth tupu are stomped With just your name. The emphasis among the Maya on named lineages, absent among the Nahuas, made it virtually impossible for them to give up indigenous surnames, no matter what the general cultural context. James Lockhart (1992: 376–392) discusses the annals genre in considerable detail. Share. Were members of these conquered nations entitled, as the missionary Domingo de Santo Tomás viewed it, to the same privileges as any Castilian vassal of the king of Spain, or was their primary function that of tribute payers and of workers? These clandestine gatherings came to awaken the suspicions of the priest at the nearby church of San Marcelo which he promptly reported to his superiors. 14 As the “boat” sails away, villagers cheer and throw libations and confetti. At midday after the full moon, the community accordingly gathered in the village square to the solemn sound of drums, the kurakas seated themselves on fine cloths that had been spread out on the ground, and the people sat down in ordered groups around them. TURNER, TERENCE 1988 Ethno-Ethnohistory. The Huarochirí Manuscript (and Quechua in general) adopts a simpler and more radical solu3 Barry Sell, in his ongoing doctoral dissertation research on ecclesiastical imprints in Nahuatl, has found well over one hundred loan verbs present in one way or another in the published writings of an eighteenth-century priest and Nahuatl grammarian working in the Guadalajara region. A re-analysis of these texts reveals how the “remembrance” of the “Triple Alliance” varied considerably along ethnic lines. . 1960 Social Mechanisms for the Transfer of Political Rights in Some African Tribes. 429 Frances Karttunen Fig. Furthermore, beyond the boundaries of the towns, the indigenous population was also segmented into larger descent or “ethnic” groups. Allpanchis 17–18: 119–132. Revista del Museo Nacional 2 (2). We may not know just where the writer of the manuscript was from, but the Quechua interference in his Spanish chapter titles and the letter substitutions in his versions of Spanish words leave no doubt that he was a native speaker of Quechua, or at the very least an indigenous person and not a native Spanish speaker. (available as Kraus reprint, 1975). ALBORNOZ, CRISTÓBAL DE 1989 Instrucción para descubrir todas las guacas del Pirú. ANONYMOUS 1622 Relación de lo sucedido en los galeones y flota de Tierrafirme. But to do this, Toledo first establishes that the role itself derives from, and hence is validated by, antiquity: “vista la orden que antiguamente tuvieron.” He then moves to the present and the specific case in which the sitting on a tiana is an ongoing part of political custom: “y sentaros eis en tiana como es costumbre entre demás caciques y principales de este Reino.” The phrase “este Reino” here applies to the contemporary political entity of the viceroyalty so that the power of this custom to confer authority is no longer controlled by Andean tradition. Allpanchis Phuturinqa 29/30: 105–131. In it walked a boy and girl, both most exquisitely dressed, with a number of ladies distinguished by their “great poise and nobility.” At the end came six men carrying digging sticks with another six carrying sacks of potatoes who were also beating drums. In sixteenth-century Mexico, where tribute, land ownership, and population size were matters of concern, many native documents of this kind were reworked for Spanish authorities. Such people could easily have spread a Stage 3 Quechua to mining regions, larger urban centers, and even to the local indigenous ruling groups who had to deal with Spaniards on an almost daily basis. 24a–b). In the recorded proceedings of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the Quechua term tiana and the Caribe word duho are used together to name the seat on which the new kuraka is placed (cf. Includes bibliographical references and index. Total: 8 Phrases, proper names: Ave María, Cabrillas, cara a cara, Cieneguillas (a place or settlement), Corpus Christi, digo, espíritu santo, gato montés, Jesucristo, Lima, padre nuestro, quiere decir cuatro, Santa María, Todos Santos. One of the petitioners requested that the crown grant him the right to sell and buy land, a privilege unknown in the Andes. As an ethnic church, Nahua Christianity became the subject of ethnographic descriptions, many of them composed by the same friars who compiled the accounts of the Pre-Columbian ceremonies. 15: 162) simplified this complex ranking by concentrating only on the top three cities of Tenochtitlan, Texcoco, and Tlacopan, while still indicating that Tenochtitlan was the “cabeza principal de todas.” It is this later section that seems to have been copied by subsequent writers, such that the other important towns named and ranked by Motolinía were dropped from consideration. XII). Without a quite strong convergence, there can be little normal, peaceful, mutually meaningful contact between the members of two separate societies. WOOD, STEPHANIE 1991 Adopted Saints: Christian Images in Nahua Testaments of Late Colonial Toluca. Guaman Poma accordingly condemned all ongoing expressions of Andean religious belief, and they were many. Ayrampu is also used to designate the color produced by the dye. For both the Nahuatl-dominated central highlands and Maya Yucatan, there is a wealth of such material: testaments, land transfers, complaints, petitions, suits, and countersuits.7 Though written by and for speakers of indigenous languages 6 In signing documents Chi variously designated himself notary, translator, interpreter general, lieutenant of the Spanish governor, interpreter of the reigning king, and Indian governor of Mani. Whether the painting they are engaged in is codex-painting is not clear. The Office of the Inquisition was responsible for certifying that no “stain” ( Jewish or Moorish “blood”) sullied a candidate’s record (Kamen 1985: 115–133). However, a closer investigation of the narratives that do group the three capitals indicates that it was not the creation of a single author or group who may have had some “axe to grind” or some glory to claim for themselves by doing so. Pomar, Zurita, Relaciones antiguas. . 8 Soukup (1970: 37) identifies the chunta as Bactris gasipaes. 32, Guaman Poma 1980: 652. In past years, I was told, these parts entailed wearing costumes including the cotona or women’s tunic, considered a symbol of ancient culture. The next year sees 187 Elizabeth Hill Boone Fig. TAYLOR, WILLIAM B. Phoebus 7: 84–106. Uyariway much’asqayta Diospa rampan, Diospa maman Yuraq tuqtu hamanq’ayman Yupasqalla qullpasqayta Wawaykiman suyusqayta Rikuchillay 3. A dam matching this description in most respects exists today at the lake (Figs. MURÚA, MARTIN DE 1946 Historia del origen y genealogía real de los reyes Incas del Perú 2 (C. Bayle, ed.). Nota: Tu pregunta se publicará de manera pública en la página de Preguntas y Respuestas. Appadurai (1986) talks about the “social life of things” in the sense that “politics [in the broad sense of relations, assumptions, and contests of power] is what links value and exchange in the social life of commodities.” It is the nature of politics in which these “things” operate (Appadurai would use the word circulate) that allows for their mutability because within politics there is “a constant tension between the existing frameworks [of price, 94 Colonial Andean Images and Objects This circulation of objects and images is an important avenue for colonial Andean studies because, unlike Mexico (see Wood and Lockhart, this volume), writing plays almost no part in colonial Andean discourse outside of juridical and doctrinal issues. When he unfolded the cloak to show the roses to the bishop, the cloak bore the miraculous image of the Virgin. 1949 Códice de Metepec, Estado de México. 13 Close-up of one coat of arms, Techialoyan Codex García Granados. 11 This attitude seems to have accompanied missionaries throughout Europe’s imperial domains. Unquy is used even today as a polite euphemism for pregnancy and menstruation, and its omission here is jarring in light of the emphasis on fecundity and the other mentions of the Pleiades. The age-old Andean tasks of sowing, harvesting, and looking after domesticated animals by contrast were performed in time of “rest,” away from the clock.This time was measured by Andean philosophers according to the course of the sun and moon, which Juan Yunpa described in terms reminiscent of the Inkas as “wife [of the sun] and queen of the stars.” CONCLUSION Throughout Guaman Poma’s long work, Christian and Andean notions of time interpenetrate or are in tension with each other, much as did Andean rituals, lifestyles, and religious ideas. I first conceptualized this essay as a Rockefeller fellow in the Spanish Department/Center for Latin American Studies at the University of Maryland; I then developed and refined it as a Guggenheim fellow. But the three stages do have enough of a basis in logical, expectable distinctions that one is moved at least to look for them elsewhere. When Tenochtitlan fell to the Spanish, Tlatolatl spirited this heavy idol out of the city and took it to the house of Oquicin, the ruler of Azcapotzalco, for safety; at the time, Oquicin and a principal named Tlilacin were the guardians of four other idols: those of Cihuacoatl, Telpochtli, Tlatlauhque Tezcatlipoca, and Tepehua. The self-defined Quechua nobles who sponsored them wore “Inka” clothes, spoke Quechua, and addressed each other with the Quechua title Apu or “Lord,” a title that is used today only for the mountain deities. HANKS, WILLIAM F. 1986 Authenticity and Ambivalence in the Text: A Colonial Maya Case. In this investigation I found that the principal Andean huacas had kinship ties similar to those of the human inhabitants (Arriaga 1968; Albornoz 1967). Spaniards sincerely believed in her love-magic powers and were willing to use them, pay for them, if Francisca Carguachuqui could attain their hearts’ desire. Princeton University Art Museum. [He tosses two more.] 4, exp. 124 Colonial Andean Images and Objects Fig. 19, 352), Murúa (1946, bk. Aztec Historical Traditions The documents containing useful information on the Pre-Hispanic period include such things as wills, land records, court proceedings, letters, and petitions. Photograph courtesy of H. B. Nicholson and Wayne Ruwet; now in the Jay L. Kislak Foundation holdings, Miami Lakes, Florida. In contrast, each line in the Quechua song splits evenly. SAHAGÚN, FRAY BERNARDINO DE 1950–82 Florentine Codex: General History of the Things of New Spain (Charles E. Dibble and Arthur J. O. Anderson, trans. Such linguistic evidence as we have, however, turns out not to point in that direction at all. None provide a general history of the preconquest Nahua world in the fourteenth or fifteenth centuries. So extensive was the general loss of painted books that many of the chroniclers writing in the middle and second half of the sixteenth century complained that most of the paintings had been burned or destroyed.16 Durán (1971: 55) says it most poignantly: “Those who with fervent zeal (though with little prudence) in the beginning burned and destroyed all the ancient Indian pictographic documents were mistaken.They left us without a light to guide us.” Thus, religious codices were scoured away in the decade after the conquest. See Carrillo Cázares 1991 for other examples of suspect Spanish-language títulos. The images, and relationships between images, are set into a grid of symmetrical oppositions that are themselves laid into the pattern of unfolding asymmetry. “Legitimacy” was a European creation, elaborated in Spanish law and prejudice. By representing Nahua ancestors as deficient in nothing but knowledge of the true religion, by attributing Mexico’s conversion not to invading Spaniards but directly to Christ and the saints, and by equating Nahua with Old World Christianity, these native thinkers challenge the legitimacy of the conquest and continuing colonial rule (Burkhart 1992a). Fig. The whole of native chronicle literature can easily fit in a briefcase, but the administrative legacy crams stacks and vaults. Nosotros no somos veganos pero la comida nos pareció espectacular, definitivamente amé la parrilla cuzqueña, tienen un sampler de 5 variedades de cervezas artesanales que deben probar, otra cosa que nos enamoro es el lugar! Centro de Investigación y Promoción Amazónica, Lima. Two new types of pictorial, namely the cultural encyclopedia and the curious Testerian catechism, developed as the result of European interest in Nahua pictorial documentation. The aggrieved residents, who were not themselves artists or scribes, had three painters execute their complaints for them. A case in point would be the nearly identical twin Maya texts, the chronicles of Chicxulub and Yaxkukul, which exist only as eighteenth-century “copies” of eyewitness accounts of the conquest of Yucatan. Introduction by Esteban J. Palomera. The rock Yavira had thus been a holy place of the people of Maras, but it was incorporated into the Inka system of holy places by Pachacuti, who placed an altar on it; later, Inka Huascar adroned the rock with two stone falcons (Molina 1943: 56–57). A different situation presented itself in Brazil, for example, where the number of Africans was considerably larger than in the Peruvian case, and where they were permitted to preserve their African customs, languages, rituals, and beliefs. For the next two decades, Pawllu’s many sons were a distinguished and rich lineage in Cuzco. ; George L. Urioste, trans.). n.d. Spiritual 1.1 7.42 6.34 1.4 15.90 11.63 1.5 14.83 14.84 15.89 15.89 7.40 Hanaq pachap kusikuynin Dios kusichiq Angelkunap q’uchukunan Runakunap suyakuynin Suyakunqay Hinantimpa suyakuynin Kallpannaqpa q’imikuynin K’umuykuqkunapaq llamp’u Wakchay khuya Pillqu ch’antaq k’anchaq khuya Gracia suq’uq Bliss of heaven Who brings joy to God Joys of the angels Hope of peoples My hope Hope of all Pillar of the weak For the humble, smooth Who cares for the poor Who patterns color khuya which sparkles Who imbibes Grace V. Institutional Church, Power, Mystery 11.66 9.50 16.96 7.38 7.37 7.39 13.76 13.78 19.110 Diospa llaqtan Pukarampa qispi punkun Qhapaq punku Qhapaqkunap Qhapaqnimpa Qhapaqmanta Ñawpamanta wachaqnimpa Sut’arpu tukuchiq khallki Qispi wampu Tita yachaq City of God Crystal door of his bastion Powerful door Powerful of the powerful From the powerful From the ages who gave birth to her Who turns volcanic ash into bricks Translucent nave Who knows mysteries The imagery of Hanaq pachap kusikuynin points outward from the text to evoke distinct sets of associations within the distinct Spanish and native Andean interpretive traditions. So, too, the translocation of mythic names to other contexts altered their range of meanings innovatively. La Paz. DUVIOLS, PIERRE 1971 La lutte contre les religions autochtones dans le Pérou colonial: l’extirpacion de l’idolâtrie entre 1532 et 1660. Rather, I am interested in how the general praxis orientation of Nahua religion informed the Nahuas’ ways of becoming and being Christian as well as informing the ways in which their Christianity was described and interpreted by the friars who presided over their religious life. . This essay owes much to the pioneering work of Regina Harrison (1992) and was in press, unfortunately, before the publication of Stavig (1995). 4): We [the Concha] say that our ancestor, of whom we are legitimate heirs, built and constructed a reservoir and dam for water with stone walls of a height more than double that of a man, fifty yards long more or less, and set next to a hill half a league from the said town of San Damián, with five mouths, in which water was collected from a spring, with which the said Yacha Chauqua, his children, grandchildren, and descendants of Concha ayllu, irrigated their fields . My second example is a modern folksong recorded in the early 1960s. 18–20); the form in an almost pure preconquest style. 167v). Actas y memorias del XXXIV Congreso Internacional de Americanistas 3: 147–166. It was clear that he was familiar with both administrative procedures at the mines and with the ethnic map of the southern Andes; he plainly enjoyed the trust of the Aymara lords.The memorandum has recently been the object of detailed study by a Franco-British team preparing a documentary collection to honor don Gunnar Mendoza, director of the National Archive of Bolivia.They eventually decided that the author was the very person disguised in the Aviso as the transmitter of the text to the court at Madrid. See tribute: records of Municipal Codex, 222 Techialoyan Codices, 193, 203, 205, 207, 208, 216–218, 220, 222, 226, 227, 228, 433 Colhua, 242 Colhua Teuctli, 253 Colhuaque, 236 Collin, Diego, cacique of Panzaleo, 114 Collquiri, Concha huaca, 267, 268, 280, 281, 289. Deceitful fabrication was not the norm; motives were conceivably reasonable, given the sometimes desperate circumstances. 185 Elizabeth Hill Boone The pictorial histories, like written annals histories that come later, all have a local bias; each focuses on events that pertain to one or, sometimes, a few polities. Indeed, it is more carefully maintained than the boundary between past and present, pagan and Christian, for the survival or resurgence of those pagan customs remained, in the friars’ discourses, an imminent possibility. Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Mexico. 1606–31 (Chimalpahin 1903, 1965, 1983, and the Crónica Mexicayotl misattributed to Alvarado Tezozomoc [1975; Gibson and Glass 1975: 330–331]). This ritual took place an hour or so before sunset.The offerings that had been thrown into the river were accompanied on their way downstream by relays of persons equipped with torches who saw to it that none of them were caught on the riverbank.When the offerings reached the bridge of Ollantaytambo, two baskets of coca were thrown in after them, and they were left to travel the remainder of the way to the sea on their own (Molina 1943: 64–65). ): 313–338. Oxford University Press, New York. Philadelphia. Philip Curtin has isolated an important 6 On some of these differences, see Lopez (1975: 35–42). Increasingly, it is clear that the socio-cultural implications of those facts, the way those facts are presented and remembered, are far more significant.5 THE CONTEXT The Spanish conquest did not have the same impact in all central Mexican communities, nor did it reach them all at the same time. Fondo de cultura económica, Mexico. Barros emerged from hiding and, as sole justice in the region, assumed possession of the royal Audiencia. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Pedimos la sopa de lentejas … Such bookkeeping later became the subject of litigation initiated at the viceregal court, at Lima, by one of the lords who in 1532 had opened the country to the troops of Charles V (Murra 1975). 6). Bernardino de Sahagún’s Florentine Codex (the final version of his Historia General written in 1578–79). Boletín del Archivo General de la Nación (Mexico), ser. During the 1970s,Thupa Amaru became a stylized emblem of the departmental agrarian confederation at the same time as he was appropriated by the military government as a nationalist emblem around which a populist redefinition of Peru would take shape. Thus Maya would appear to have reached a crucial phase right on the heels of Nahuatl, and in relative terms actually earlier, since the whole Yucatecan experience with the Spaniards got off to a perceptibly later start. La comida fue simplemente genio !!!! 16 “. What is equally important is that, although native craftsmen could still produce these things, many of the objects of their production entered into social circulation through the marketplace. 117 empleos de green point cusco. 12 Don Jacinto Cortés with coat of arms from the Mapa de Cuauhtlantzinco, Latin American Library, Tulane University, New Orleans. 27, translated in Palomera 1988: 445) talks of business documents; Sahagún (bk. con un confesionario . 1608, employ the language and writing of law to signify the compelling power of superhuman relations and organize productive action under their aegis. California State Library, Sacramento. Lima. School of American Research, Santa Fe, N.M., and University of Utah, Salt Lake City. Similarly, the títulos of San Bartolomé Capulhuac include a fuller Nahuatl version (AGN T 2860, 1, cuad. “Indianism” had to be practiced with great cunning and prudence, as nativist ideologies conceded that huacas had to share Andean skies with Spaniards’ gods (AAL: leg. 17 In 1537, Francisco Pizzaro was granted a new coat of arms in which was placed one of the earliest representations of Cuzco “en memoria de habella vos poblado y conquistado, con una corona de Rey, de oro, sobre ella, de la cual esté asida una borla colorada [mascaipacha] que el dicha cacique Atalbalipa traia . 8, 271, “La fiesta del segundo mes se llama, Camay, en que hazian diversos sacrificios, y echavan las cenicas por un arroyo abaxo, este mes de Enero,” followed by Murúa (in both versions of his work), Cobo, and Cabello Valboa. 22 For examples of this, see Guaman Poma 1980: 49, prayer to Capac señor by Vari Viracocha Runa; 190, Inka prayer to Pacha Camac; 825, colonial prayer to “Dios Yaya, Dios Churi, and Dios Espiritu Sancto ruracni, camacni, cay pacha rurac” (God Father, Son, Holy Spirit, my Maker, my Creator, Maker of this world). PASO Y TRONCOSO, FRANCISCO DEL 1912 Escritura pictorica, Códice Kingsborough, lo que nos enseña. ZORN, ELAYNE 1987 Encircling Meaning: Economics and Aesthetics in Taquile, Peru. They represented the friars’ views that Christian prayers were established texts to be learned and repeated verbatim; one recalled them by seeing them written, and one wrote them by recording the words as they were spoken. See also Aymara; cultural contact; Maya; Nahuatl; Quechua performative, 273 of religious interaction, 100 of virtue bringing about shame, 78 Laras Valley weavers, 408 Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem, 19, 20, 22, 23, 25–26, 27 lienzo, lienzos, 153, 429, 433 Lima, 350–353 limpieza de sangre. If my other brothers say to me, ‘Let’s kill him,’ I’ll defend you. Inquiry and response were carried on with the aid of paintings, and then his Nahua assistants, trained in alphabetic writing at the College of Santa Cruz, wrote down explanations to accompany the pictures (Anderson and Dibble 1982: 12). In The Inca and Aztec States, 1400 –1800: Anthropology and History (George A. Collier, Renato I. Rosaldo, and John D. Wirth, eds. Terraciano is extensively examining language contact phenomena; shortly we should be able to add the Mixtec example to the others. One Spanish woman, desperately in love with the village priest, consulted Señora Carguachuqui for potions and spells to make sure he would be staying by her side. In Nueva colección de documentos para la historia de México, vol. Christian preaching]; oíanlas de gana; dijeron que se holgarían de ser cristianos y a recibir agua de bautismo. Buscar los mejores empleos en Perú. Photograph courtesy of Phoenix Museum of Art. 30v, ca. Universidad Autónoma de México, Mexico. Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. GIBSON, CHARLES 1948 The Inca Concept of Sovereignty and the Spanish Administration in Peru. Yet the enticement of this portada beckons an entrance into the constructed Andean world of Spanish written and pictorial narrative just as the portadas of colonial churches open unto the ritual space of Catholicism (Fig. Twelve o’clock, one. Citing the Chontal text describing the experiences of the Maya of Alcalan, Karttunen notes that it survived as supporting evidence to a probanza, requesting a monetary award for assistance in the conquest. Official policy enforced segregation by, for example, establishing legal strictures against intermarriage. 120 Colonial Andean Images and Objects Fig. Stanford University Press, Palo Alto, Calif. STERN, STEVE 1982 Peru’s Indian Peoples and the Challenge of Spanish Conquest. In the text accompanying the whole scene is the statement that Huitzilihuitl took in marriage the granddaughter of Acamapichtli, who proved incapable of having children, so he had two children by his concubine que se dezia la pintora (“who was known as the painter-F”). The hypothetical invention of this organization can therefore be traced to the indigenous authors and Spanish compilers of those accounts, but it was surely a part of the same process of remembrance of the past and its sanctification in written form that was revealed in this mass of litigation starting in the 1550s. 28a–b). Ancient Mesoamerica 3: 1–10. At once she gave birth to Collquiri in human form, so beautiful she fell in love with him. Biblioteca de autores españoles tomo 185. Conversely, the formal patterns are diagrams of the reversals of imagery and of the asymmetric pattern by which they unfold in time. ): 39–64. Fig. In general, women were blamed for societal failures (e.g., 1980: 162, 205, 207, 413–414, 421, 474, 566, 800, 801, 816, 896, 1019–1020). Nevertheless, during this first century of the colonial period, the historical traditions were continuing to play a role in the reconstruction of ethnic identity in order to accommodate the changed conditions of postconquest society, just as they had done in the Pre-Hispanic era. See Alva Ixtlilxochitl, Fernando de Historia Tolteca-Chichimeca, 183, 184 historical traditions, 256 native, 233–234, 237, 238, 241, 248, 250, 255 postconquest, 233 Tepaneca, 255 histories, 434 Acolhua, 249 indigenous, 426 local, 433 native, 156 traditional, 255 470 historiography, 234, 243, 332 history, 422, 434, 449, 458–459 as concept, 233, 234, 235, 241 contrasted with myth, 241 as construct, 254, 256 vs. myth, 255–256 oral, 441 role of factionalism in, 254–255 honor, 70, 77. 6 Guaman Poma reproduces here an extract from a Quechua sermon by Molina. BARRIONUEVO, ALFONSINA 1973 Sirvinakuy: Un ensayo sobre el matrimonio de Prueba. Universidad Nacional de San Marcos, Lima. 1984 Miners of the Red Mountain: Indian Labor in Potosí. Location unknown. I name thou as cacique principal of said repartimiento of Carabuco of the parcialidad of Hurinsaya such that thou beist cacique as was thou father and as such I give thee the investiture of said cacicazgo principal . It is only within the chance recording of specific practices, such as those discussed by Frank Salomon (this volume), that one can glimpse a fuller range of continued traditional representational practices in the Andes. 123 Tom Cummins Fig. . What are of interest for now are the images at the neck, framed by a stepped yoke design of three registers of t’oqapu. The rebels sacked rural estates and workshops; many sought to expel the Spaniards from Peru. : 361). CIDOC Sondeos, no. Chalco was an important province in the southern basin area conquered by Tenochtitlan after a long struggle, and Chimalpahin provided rich details on both its history as well as the history of the Mexica of Tenochtitlan. Significantly, it is not found in the various detailed accounts of the Chalco historian, Domingo Francisco de San Antón Muñón Chimalpahin, writing in ca. Multiple versions of many of these manuscripts exist, forming “sets” of títulos.18 Some copies may be the product of periodic demands to present records to colonial officials or loan them to neighboring towns with weaker documentary bases; perhaps, also, different indigenous town council members came to have their own copies. Certainly many images and documents, such as Sahagún’s Historia general de las cosas de Nueva España (1982) and Guaman Poma’s Nueva corónica y buen gobierno (1980), were produced intentionally to explain the past, most often to a European audience. Questions have been raised as to how accurately these documents portray the Pre-Hispanic past and to what extent they may incorporate non-historical elements as the result of Spanish contact, elements that cannot “easily be peeled away” (Burkhart 1989: 6). See also Andes: trial marriage; tonalamatl rights of, choice of, 75–76 Martyr, Peter, 150 Mateos, manuscript painter, 165–167 Matienzo, Juan de, 57, 58, 60. Donald Robertson (1959: 34–55) earlier sought to distinguish between manuscripts painted solely for Nahuas and those painted under Spanish stimulus—looking at these as two separate arms—but he found that the distinction was nearly impossible to maintain. Outside the central area the allotment tended to be larger. Photograph © Macduff Everton. University of California Press, Berkeley. 42 Three Experiences of Culture Contact: Nahua, Maya, and Quechua tion—radical also in the literal sense—taking the actual Spanish stem (the infinitive minus -r, the same as the third person singular of the present in many cases)4 as the basis of a verb that is structured like any Quechua verb (sometimes the stem turns out to have the shape consonant-vowel-consonant-vowel, like many verb stems in Quechua), as in pasa- from pasar, “to pass,” thus pasanqui, “you pass.” Since the Huarochirí Manuscript is the oldest known major all-Quechua running text by a Quechua speaker, we have no direct evidence that there was any lag time between noun and verb loans at all.5 There is, however, a hint or two of an earlier mechanism for borrowing verbs, one more like those found in Nahuatl and Maya, for the loan verb from Spanish casar, “to marry,” has as a stem not casa- but casara-, which I take to be the infinitive plus an epenthetic a added to give it the final vowel typical of a Quechua verb stem.This form is no 4 One is tempted to think that the third person singular present tense form, as doubtless the most frequently heard, provided the actual origin of the Quechua stem.The loan stems in the Huarochirí text, however, do not evince the vowel changes seen in the third person form of many irregular verbs. NOGUEZ, XAVIER (ED.) As late as the beginning of the eighteenth century one still finds in the Nahuatl annals of Puebla and Tlaxcala calendrical signs from the Central Mexican calendar accompanying written dates from the European calendar (Fig. Painting 5, which is famous among historians of colonial Mexican art for containing the earliest indigenous image of the Virgin and Child, records military equipment and other items furnished for Nuño de Guzman’s expedition to Nueva Galicia (Fig. In Andean Cosmologies through Time (Robert V. H. Dover, Katharine E. Seibold, and John H. McDowell, eds. . Although it is easy to explicate the text of the song on paper, the effect of the rhythmic displacements and pauses is to disorient the listener, disguising the song’s content.To a great extent the disorientation is produced by familiarity with the normal rhythmic conventions of Southern Peruvian Quechua. Photograph by Dylan Kibler. 1971 Las informaciones de Cristóbal de Albornoz: Documentos para el estudio de Taki Onqoy. For many of the ritual activities that articulate Guaman Poma’s Inka calendar are likewise the result of a fusion of Inka, Andean, and Christian components. Another set of titles from Metepec, in the Valley of Toluca, features a Don Juan Ignacio Felipe Carrillo (usually called Don Ignacio) as town founder. Historically inauthentic though they may be, they are also creative acts of imagination, an enterprise of weaving together what was remembered from the remote past with what was needed or yearned after in current circumstances.16 It would be a mistake to associate the overt professional tradition with change and the covert folk tradition with continuity. Biblioteca Nacional de Antropología, Archivo Histórico, Col. Antiq. University of Wisconsin Press, Madison. 121 Tom Cummins Fig. 1981 For a Critique of the Political Economy of the Sign. . ROSTWOROWSKI DE DIEZ CANSECO, MARÍA 1978 Los Yauyos coloniales y el nexo con el mito. Thus, these subsequent historical narratives continued the “arguments” begun by their mid-century predecessors. DUVIOLS, PIERRE 1976 Une petite chronique retrouvée: errores, ritos, supersticiones y ceremonias de los yndios de prouincia de Chinchaycocha y otras del Piru. So they say who know. These two commercial cities differed significantly from each other, especially in the organization of their economic and political lives. La comida, la decoración, el baño, todo bajo un concepto de amor por los animales. It, therefore, is no accident that one of the first modern representations of Andean kinship and descent (a diagram that would make any modern anthropologist proud by its elegance) that escapes the biblical metaphor of the genealogical tree of Jesse is an engraving found in Pérez Bocanegra’s Ritual formulario, e institucion de Curas, para administrar a los naturales de este Reyno . Editorial Salvador Chavez Hayhoe, Mexico City. Museo Nacional de Arqueología, Historia y Etnología, Mexico City. American Ethnologist 13 (4): 721–742. . I assume from the context that he was Nahua, but this is not specified. University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque. THE QUECHUA SPEAKERS The central Andes had the same combination of a large sedentary population and vast silver deposits as the Mexican region, so a closely comparable European influx took place. But these documents are not in the public notarial tradition. A profile lion, frontally posed cleric, profile basilisk, rider wielding a sword (per122 Colonial Andean Images and Objects Fig. Certainly they were not central to Nahua thought or action, although they do exemplify the perceived centrality of the manuscript painting tradition to indigenous life, and they help us understand why so many other postconquest pictorial forms did continue to be important. These documents, dating after 1550 and indicating that the three cities individually or collectively were preconquest cabeceras (using the Spanish terminology), derive from a particular set of conditions in New Spain.

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